The Spectacle of Illiteracy and the Crisis of Democracy

A most powerful article. When will I learn that if I wait long
enough, someone will spell out what it is I'm fumbling to say?
HENRY A. GIROUX details the coming collapse of the
American/International Empire. But like all of us who see beyond the
Veil, he puts forth no solutions. Even as we wonder how we might
peacefully transition into a People's World, we are confronted on all
sides by the fast growing collapse of the Corporate Capitalist
Material World. Can Giroux or Hedges, or any of the Prophets of Doom
show us the way to a bloodless transition? Or are we doomed to dance
this dance over and over and over?

Carl Jarvis


On 1/24/15, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@optonline.net> wrote:
> The Spectacle of Illiteracy and the Crisis of Democracy
> Saturday, 24 January 2015 11:48 By Henry A. Giroux, Moyers & Company |
> Excerpt
> The collapse of journalistic standards finds its counterpart in the rise
> of
> civic illiteracy. (Photo: Steve Rhodes)
> Want to challenge injustice and make real change happen? That's Truthout's
> goal - support our work with a donation today!
> This is an excerpt from Zombie Politics and Culture in the Age of Casino
> Capitalism, by Henry Giroux.
> C. Wright Mills argued 50 years ago that one important measure of the
> demise
> of vibrant democracy and the corresponding impoverishment of political life
> can be found in the increasing inability of a society to translate private
> troubles to broader public issues. [1] This is an issue that both
> characterizes and threatens any viable notion of democracy in the United
> States in the current historical moment. In an alleged post-racist
> democracy, the image of the public sphere with its appeal to dialogue and
> shared responsibility has given way to the spectacle of unbridled
> intolerance, ignorance, seething private fears, unchecked anger and the
> decoupling of reason from freedom. Increasingly, as witnessed in the utter
> disrespect and not-so-latent racism expressed by Joe Wilson, the Republican
> congressman from South Carolina, who shouted "you lie!" during President
> Obama's address on health care, the obligation to listen, respect the views
> of others and engage in a literate exchange is increasingly reduced to the
> highly spectacular wed embrace of an infantile emotionalism. This is an
> emotionalism that is made for television. It is perfectly suited for
> emptying the language of public life of all substantive content, reduced in
> the end to a playground for hawking commodities, promoting celebrity
> culture
> and enacting the spectacle of right-wing fantasies fueled by the fear that
> the public sphere as an exclusive club for white male Christians is in
> danger of collapsing. For some critics, those who carry guns to rallies or
> claim Obama is a Muslim and not a bona fide citizen of the United States
> are
> simply representative of an extremist fringe, that gets far more publicity
> from the mainstream media than they deserve. Of course this is
> understandable, given that the media's desire for balance and objective
> news
> is not just disingenuous but relinquishes any sense of ethical
> responsibility by failing to make a distinction between an informed
> argument
> and an unsubstantiated opinion. Witness the racist hysteria unleashed by so
> many Americans and the media over the building of an Islamic cultural
> center
> near ground zero.
> The collapse of journalistic standards finds its counterpart in the rise of
> civic illiteracy. An African-American president certainly makes the Rush
> Limbaughs of the world even more irrational than they already are, just as
> the lunatic fringe seems to be able to define itself only through a mode of
> thought whose first principle is to disclaim logic itself. But I think this
> dismissal is too easy. What this decline in civility, the emergence of mob
> behavior and the utter blurring in the media between a truth and a lie
> suggest is that we have become one of the most illiterate nations on the
> planet. I don't mean illiterate in the sense of not being able to read,
> though we have far too many people who are functionally illiterate in a
> so-called advanced democracy, a point that writers such as Chris Hedges,
> Susan Jacoby and the late Richard Hofstadter made clear in their
> informative
> books on the rise of anti-intellectualism in American life. [2] I am
> talking
> about a different species of ignorance and anti-intellectualism. Illiterate
> in this instance refers to the inability on the part of much of the
> American
> public to grasp private troubles and the meaning of the self in relation to
> larger public problems and social relations. It is a form of illiteracy
> that
> points less to the lack of technical skills and the absence of certain
> competencies than to a deficit in the realms of politics - one that
> subverts
> both critical thinking and the notion of literacy as both critical
> interpretation and the possibility of intervention in the world. This type
> of illiteracy is not only incapable of dealing with complex and contested
> questions, it is also an excuse for glorifying the principle of
> self-interest as a paradigm for understanding politics. This is a form of
> illiteracy marked by the inability to see outside of the realm of the
> privatized self, an illiteracy in which the act of translation withers,
> reduced to a relic of another age. The United States is a country that is
> increasingly defined by a civic deficit, a chronic and deadly form of civic
> illiteracy that points to the failure of both its educational system and
> the
> growing ability of anti-democratic forces to use the educational force of
> the culture to promote the new illiteracy. As this widespread illiteracy
> has
> come to dominate American culture, we have moved from a culture of
> questioning to a culture of shouting and in doing so have restaged politics
> and power in both unproductive and anti-democratic ways.
> Think of the forces at work in the larger culture that work overtime to
> situate us within a privatized world of fantasy, spectacle and resentment
> that is entirely removed from larger social problems and public concerns.
> For instance, corporate culture, with its unrelenting commercials,
> carpet-bombs our audio and visual fields with the message that the only
> viable way to define ourselves is to shop and consume in an orgy of private
> pursuits. Popular culture traps us in the privatized universe of celebrity
> culture, urging us to define ourselves through the often empty and
> trivialized and highly individualized interests of celebrities.
> Pharmaceutical companies urge us to deal with our problems, largely
> produced
> by economic and political forces out of our control, by taking a drug, one
> that will both chill us out and increase their profit margins. (This has
> now
> become an educational measure applied increasingly and indiscriminately to
> children in our schools.) Pop psychologists urge us to simply think
> positively, give each other hugs and pull ourselves up by the bootstraps
> while also insisting that those who confront reality and its mix of complex
> social issues are, as Chris Hedges points out, defeatists, a negative force
> that inhibits "our inner essence and power." [3] There is also the culture
> of militarization, which permeates all aspects of our lives - from our
> classrooms and the screen culture of reality television to the barrage of
> violent video games and the blood letting in sports such as popular
> wrestling - endlessly at work in developing modes of masculinity that
> celebrate toughness, violence, cruelty, moral indifference and misogyny.
> All of these forces, whose educational influence should never be
> underestimated, constitute a new type of illiteracy, a kind of civic
> illiteracy in which it becomes increasingly impossible to connect the
> everyday problems that people face with larger social forces - thus
> depoliticizing their own sense of agency and making politics itself an
> empty
> gesture. Is it any wonder that politics is now mediated through a spectacle
> of anger, violence, humiliation and rage that mimics the likes of The Jerry
> Springer Show? It is not that we have become a society of the spectacle -
> though that is partly true - but that we have fallen prey to a new kind of
> illiteracy in which the distinction between illusion and reality is lost,
> just as the ability to experience our feelings of discontent and our fears
> of uncertainty are reduced to private troubles, paralyzing us in a sea of
> resentment waiting to be manipulated by extremists extending from religious
> fanatics to right-wing radio hosts. This is a prescription for a kind of
> rage that looks for easy answers, demands a heightened emotional release
> and
> resents any attempts to think through the connection between our individual
> woes and any number of larger social forces. A short list of such forces
> would include an unchecked system of finance, the anti-democratic power of
> the corporate state, the rise of multinationals and the destruction of the
> manufacturing base and the privatization of public schooling along with its
> devaluing of education as a public good. As the public collapses into the
> personal, the personal becomes "the only politics there is, the only
> politics with a tangible referent or emotional valence," [4] the formative
> educational and political conditions that make a democracy possible begin
> to
> disappear. Under such circumstances, the language of the social is either
> devalued, pathologized or ignored and all dreams of the future are now
> modeled around the narcissistic, privatized and self-indulgent needs of
> consumer and celebrity culture and the dictates of the allegedly free
> market. How else to explain the rage against big government but barely a
> peep against the rule of big corporations who increasingly control not only
> the government but almost every vital aspect of our lives from health care
> to the quality of our environment?
> Stripped of its ethical and political importance, the public has been
> largely reduced to a space where private interests are displayed and the
> social order increasingly mimics a giant Dr. Phil show where notions of the
> public register as simply a conglomeration of private woes, tasks,
> conversations and problems. Most importantly, as the very idea of the
> social
> collapses into an utterly privatized discourse, everyday politics is
> decoupled from its democratic moorings and it becomes more difficult for
> people to develop a vocabulary for understanding how private problems and
> public issues constitute the very lifeblood of a vibrant politics and
> democracy itself. This is worth repeating. Emptied of any substantial
> content, democracy appears imperiled as individuals are unable to translate
> their privately suffered misery into genuine public debate, social concerns
> and collective action. This is a form of illiteracy that is no longer
> marginal to American society but is increasingly becoming one of its
> defining and more frightening features.
> The raging narcissism that seems to shape every ad, film, television
> program
> and appeal now mediated through the power of the corporate state and
> consumer society is not merely a clinical and individual problem. It is the
> basis for a new kind of mass illiteracy that is endlessly reproduced
> through
> the venues of a number of anti-democratic institutions and forces that
> eschew critical debate, self-reflection, critical analysis and certainly
> modes of dissent that call the totality of a society into question. As
> American society becomes incapable of questioning itself, the new
> illiteracy
> parades as just its opposite. We are told that education is about learning
> how to take tests rather than learning how to think critically. We are told
> that anything that does not make us feel good is not worth bothering with.
> We are told that character is the only measure of how to judge people who
> are the victims of larger social forces that are mostly out of their
> control. When millions of people are unemployed, tossed out of their homes,
> homeless or living in poverty, the language of character, pop psychology,
> consumerism and celebrity culture are more than a diversion: they are
> fundamental to the misdirected anger, mob rule and illiteracy that frames
> the screaming, racism, lack of civility and often sheer and legitimate
> desperation.
> Authoritarianism is often abetted by an inability of the public to grasp
> how
> questions of power, politics, history and public consciousness are mediated
> at the interface of private issues and public concerns. The ability to
> translate private problems into social considerations is fundamental to
> what
> it means to reactivate political sensibilities and conceive of ourselves as
> critical citizens, engaged public intellectuals and social agents. Just as
> an obsession with the private is at odds with a politics informed by public
> consciousness, it also burdens politics by stripping it of the kind of
> political imagination and collective hope necessary for a viable notion of
> meaning, hope and political agency.
> Civic literacy is about more than enlarging the realm of critique and
> affirming the social. It is also about public responsibility, the struggle
> over democratic public life and the importance of critical education in a
> democratic society. The US government is more than willing to invest
> billions in wars, lead the world in arms sales and give trillions in tax
> cuts to the ultra-rich but barely acknowledges the need to invest in those
> educational and civic institutions from schools to the arts to a massive
> jobs creation program - that enable individuals to be border crossers,
> capable of connecting the private and the public as part of a more vibrant
> understanding of politics, identity, agency and governance. The new
> illiteracy is not the cause of our problems, which are deeply rooted in
> larger social, economic and political forces that have marked the emergence
> of the corporate state, a deadly form of racism parading as color blindness
> and a ruthless market fundamentalism since the 1970s, but it is a
> precondition for locking individuals into a system in which they are
> complicitous in their own exploitation, disposability and potential death.
> The new illiteracy is about more than not knowing how to read the book or
> the word; it is about not knowing how to read the world. The challenge it
> poses in a democracy is one of both learning how to reclaim literacy so as
> to be able to narrate oneself and the world from a position of agency. But
> it is also about unlearning those modes of learning that internalize modes
> of ignorance based on the concerted refusal to know, be self-reflective and
> act with principled dignity. It is a problem as serious as any we have ever
> faced in the United States. At the core of any viable democratic politics
> is
> the ability to question the assumptions central to an imagined democracy.
> This is not merely a political issue but an educational issue, one that
> points to the need for modes of civic education that provide the knowledge
> and competencies for young and old alike to raise important questions about
> what education and literacy itself should accomplish in a democracy. [5]
> This is not an issue we can ignore too much longer.
> Notes:
> 1. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford
> University Press, 1959). See also the brilliant Richard Sennett, The Fall
> of
> Public Man (New York; W.W. Norton, 1992).
> 2. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York:
> Vintage, 1966); Susan Jacoby, The Age of American Unreason (New York:
> Vintage, 2009); Chris Hedges, Empire of Illusion (Toronto: Knopf Canada,
> 2009).
> 3. Chris Hedges, "Celebrity Culture and the Obama Brand," Tikkun
> (January/February 2010).
> 4. Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, "Millennial Capitalism: First
> Thoughts on a Second Coming," Public Culture 12:2 (2000), pp. 305-306.
> 5. Zygmunt Bauman, "Introduction," Society under Siege (Maiden, MA:
> Blackwell, 2002), p. 170.
> This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not
> be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.
> HENRY A. GIROUX
> Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for
> Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies
> Department and a Distinguished Visiting Professorship at Ryerson
> University.
> His most recent books include: Youth in Revolt: Reclaiming a Democratic
> Future (Paradigm 2013), America's Educational Deficit and the War on Youth
> (Monthly Review Press, 2013) Neoliberalism's War on Higher Education
> (Haymarket Press, 2014), and The Violence of Organized Forgetting: Thinking
> Beyond America's Disimagination Machine (City Lights, 2014). The Toronto
> Star named Henry Giroux one of the 12 Canadians changing the way we think!
> Giroux is also a member of Truthout's Board of Directors. His website is
> www.henryagiroux.com.
> ________________________________________
> Show Comments
> Hide Comments
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> thread.</a>
> Error! Hyperlink reference not valid.
> The Spectacle of Illiteracy and the Crisis of Democracy
> Saturday, 24 January 2015 11:48 By Henry A. Giroux, Moyers & Company |
> Excerpt
> . font size Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink
> reference not valid.Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. Error! Hyperlink
> reference not valid.
> . The collapse of journalistic standards finds its counterpart in the
> rise of civic illiteracy. (Photo: Steve Rhodes)
> . Want to challenge injustice and make real change happen? That's
> Truthout's goal - support our work with a donation today!
> This is an excerpt from Zombie Politics and Culture in the Age of Casino
> Capitalism, by Henry Giroux.
> C. Wright Mills argued 50 years ago that one important measure of the
> demise
> of vibrant democracy and the corresponding impoverishment of political life
> can be found in the increasing inability of a society to translate private
> troubles to broader public issues. [1] This is an issue that both
> characterizes and threatens any viable notion of democracy in the United
> States in the current historical moment. In an alleged post-racist
> democracy, the image of the public sphere with its appeal to dialogue and
> shared responsibility has given way to the spectacle of unbridled
> intolerance, ignorance, seething private fears, unchecked anger and the
> decoupling of reason from freedom. Increasingly, as witnessed in the utter
> disrespect and not-so-latent racism expressed by Joe Wilson, the Republican
> congressman from South Carolina, who shouted "you lie!" during President
> Obama's address on health care, the obligation to listen, respect the views
> of others and engage in a literate exchange is increasingly reduced to the
> highly spectacular wed embrace of an infantile emotionalism. This is an
> emotionalism that is made for television. It is perfectly suited for
> emptying the language of public life of all substantive content, reduced in
> the end to a playground for hawking commodities, promoting celebrity
> culture
> and enacting the spectacle of right-wing fantasies fueled by the fear that
> the public sphere as an exclusive club for white male Christians is in
> danger of collapsing. For some critics, those who carry guns to rallies or
> claim Obama is a Muslim and not a bona fide citizen of the United States
> are
> simply representative of an extremist fringe, that gets far more publicity
> from the mainstream media than they deserve. Of course this is
> understandable, given that the media's desire for balance and objective
> news
> is not just disingenuous but relinquishes any sense of ethical
> responsibility by failing to make a distinction between an informed
> argument
> and an unsubstantiated opinion. Witness the racist hysteria unleashed by so
> many Americans and the media over the building of an Islamic cultural
> center
> near ground zero.
> The collapse of journalistic standards finds its counterpart in the rise of
> civic illiteracy. An African-American president certainly makes the Rush
> Limbaughs of the world even more irrational than they already are, just as
> the lunatic fringe seems to be able to define itself only through a mode of
> thought whose first principle is to disclaim logic itself. But I think this
> dismissal is too easy. What this decline in civility, the emergence of mob
> behavior and the utter blurring in the media between a truth and a lie
> suggest is that we have become one of the most illiterate nations on the
> planet. I don't mean illiterate in the sense of not being able to read,
> though we have far too many people who are functionally illiterate in a
> so-called advanced democracy, a point that writers such as Chris Hedges,
> Susan Jacoby and the late Richard Hofstadter made clear in their
> informative
> books on the rise of anti-intellectualism in American life. [2] I am
> talking
> about a different species of ignorance and anti-intellectualism. Illiterate
> in this instance refers to the inability on the part of much of the
> American
> public to grasp private troubles and the meaning of the self in relation to
> larger public problems and social relations. It is a form of illiteracy
> that
> points less to the lack of technical skills and the absence of certain
> competencies than to a deficit in the realms of politics - one that
> subverts
> both critical thinking and the notion of literacy as both critical
> interpretation and the possibility of intervention in the world. This type
> of illiteracy is not only incapable of dealing with complex and contested
> questions, it is also an excuse for glorifying the principle of
> self-interest as a paradigm for understanding politics. This is a form of
> illiteracy marked by the inability to see outside of the realm of the
> privatized self, an illiteracy in which the act of translation withers,
> reduced to a relic of another age. The United States is a country that is
> increasingly defined by a civic deficit, a chronic and deadly form of civic
> illiteracy that points to the failure of both its educational system and
> the
> growing ability of anti-democratic forces to use the educational force of
> the culture to promote the new illiteracy. As this widespread illiteracy
> has
> come to dominate American culture, we have moved from a culture of
> questioning to a culture of shouting and in doing so have restaged politics
> and power in both unproductive and anti-democratic ways.
> Think of the forces at work in the larger culture that work overtime to
> situate us within a privatized world of fantasy, spectacle and resentment
> that is entirely removed from larger social problems and public concerns.
> For instance, corporate culture, with its unrelenting commercials,
> carpet-bombs our audio and visual fields with the message that the only
> viable way to define ourselves is to shop and consume in an orgy of private
> pursuits. Popular culture traps us in the privatized universe of celebrity
> culture, urging us to define ourselves through the often empty and
> trivialized and highly individualized interests of celebrities.
> Pharmaceutical companies urge us to deal with our problems, largely
> produced
> by economic and political forces out of our control, by taking a drug, one
> that will both chill us out and increase their profit margins. (This has
> now
> become an educational measure applied increasingly and indiscriminately to
> children in our schools.) Pop psychologists urge us to simply think
> positively, give each other hugs and pull ourselves up by the bootstraps
> while also insisting that those who confront reality and its mix of complex
> social issues are, as Chris Hedges points out, defeatists, a negative force
> that inhibits "our inner essence and power." [3] There is also the culture
> of militarization, which permeates all aspects of our lives - from our
> classrooms and the screen culture of reality television to the barrage of
> violent video games and the blood letting in sports such as popular
> wrestling - endlessly at work in developing modes of masculinity that
> celebrate toughness, violence, cruelty, moral indifference and misogyny.
> All of these forces, whose educational influence should never be
> underestimated, constitute a new type of illiteracy, a kind of civic
> illiteracy in which it becomes increasingly impossible to connect the
> everyday problems that people face with larger social forces - thus
> depoliticizing their own sense of agency and making politics itself an
> empty
> gesture. Is it any wonder that politics is now mediated through a spectacle
> of anger, violence, humiliation and rage that mimics the likes of The Jerry
> Springer Show? It is not that we have become a society of the spectacle -
> though that is partly true - but that we have fallen prey to a new kind of
> illiteracy in which the distinction between illusion and reality is lost,
> just as the ability to experience our feelings of discontent and our fears
> of uncertainty are reduced to private troubles, paralyzing us in a sea of
> resentment waiting to be manipulated by extremists extending from religious
> fanatics to right-wing radio hosts. This is a prescription for a kind of
> rage that looks for easy answers, demands a heightened emotional release
> and
> resents any attempts to think through the connection between our individual
> woes and any number of larger social forces. A short list of such forces
> would include an unchecked system of finance, the anti-democratic power of
> the corporate state, the rise of multinationals and the destruction of the
> manufacturing base and the privatization of public schooling along with its
> devaluing of education as a public good. As the public collapses into the
> personal, the personal becomes "the only politics there is, the only
> politics with a tangible referent or emotional valence," [4] the formative
> educational and political conditions that make a democracy possible begin
> to
> disappear. Under such circumstances, the language of the social is either
> devalued, pathologized or ignored and all dreams of the future are now
> modeled around the narcissistic, privatized and self-indulgent needs of
> consumer and celebrity culture and the dictates of the allegedly free
> market. How else to explain the rage against big government but barely a
> peep against the rule of big corporations who increasingly control not only
> the government but almost every vital aspect of our lives from health care
> to the quality of our environment?
> Stripped of its ethical and political importance, the public has been
> largely reduced to a space where private interests are displayed and the
> social order increasingly mimics a giant Dr. Phil show where notions of the
> public register as simply a conglomeration of private woes, tasks,
> conversations and problems. Most importantly, as the very idea of the
> social
> collapses into an utterly privatized discourse, everyday politics is
> decoupled from its democratic moorings and it becomes more difficult for
> people to develop a vocabulary for understanding how private problems and
> public issues constitute the very lifeblood of a vibrant politics and
> democracy itself. This is worth repeating. Emptied of any substantial
> content, democracy appears imperiled as individuals are unable to translate
> their privately suffered misery into genuine public debate, social concerns
> and collective action. This is a form of illiteracy that is no longer
> marginal to American society but is increasingly becoming one of its
> defining and more frightening features.
> The raging narcissism that seems to shape every ad, film, television
> program
> and appeal now mediated through the power of the corporate state and
> consumer society is not merely a clinical and individual problem. It is the
> basis for a new kind of mass illiteracy that is endlessly reproduced
> through
> the venues of a number of anti-democratic institutions and forces that
> eschew critical debate, self-reflection, critical analysis and certainly
> modes of dissent that call the totality of a society into question. As
> American society becomes incapable of questioning itself, the new
> illiteracy
> parades as just its opposite. We are told that education is about learning
> how to take tests rather than learning how to think critically. We are told
> that anything that does not make us feel good is not worth bothering with.
> We are told that character is the only measure of how to judge people who
> are the victims of larger social forces that are mostly out of their
> control. When millions of people are unemployed, tossed out of their homes,
> homeless or living in poverty, the language of character, pop psychology,
> consumerism and celebrity culture are more than a diversion: they are
> fundamental to the misdirected anger, mob rule and illiteracy that frames
> the screaming, racism, lack of civility and often sheer and legitimate
> desperation.
> Authoritarianism is often abetted by an inability of the public to grasp
> how
> questions of power, politics, history and public consciousness are mediated
> at the interface of private issues and public concerns. The ability to
> translate private problems into social considerations is fundamental to
> what
> it means to reactivate political sensibilities and conceive of ourselves as
> critical citizens, engaged public intellectuals and social agents. Just as
> an obsession with the private is at odds with a politics informed by public
> consciousness, it also burdens politics by stripping it of the kind of
> political imagination and collective hope necessary for a viable notion of
> meaning, hope and political agency.
> Civic literacy is about more than enlarging the realm of critique and
> affirming the social. It is also about public responsibility, the struggle
> over democratic public life and the importance of critical education in a
> democratic society. The US government is more than willing to invest
> billions in wars, lead the world in arms sales and give trillions in tax
> cuts to the ultra-rich but barely acknowledges the need to invest in those
> educational and civic institutions from schools to the arts to a massive
> jobs creation program - that enable individuals to be border crossers,
> capable of connecting the private and the public as part of a more vibrant
> understanding of politics, identity, agency and governance. The new
> illiteracy is not the cause of our problems, which are deeply rooted in
> larger social, economic and political forces that have marked the emergence
> of the corporate state, a deadly form of racism parading as color blindness
> and a ruthless market fundamentalism since the 1970s, but it is a
> precondition for locking individuals into a system in which they are
> complicitous in their own exploitation, disposability and potential death.
> The new illiteracy is about more than not knowing how to read the book or
> the word; it is about not knowing how to read the world. The challenge it
> poses in a democracy is one of both learning how to reclaim literacy so as
> to be able to narrate oneself and the world from a position of agency. But
> it is also about unlearning those modes of learning that internalize modes
> of ignorance based on the concerted refusal to know, be self-reflective and
> act with principled dignity. It is a problem as serious as any we have ever
> faced in the United States. At the core of any viable democratic politics
> is
> the ability to question the assumptions central to an imagined democracy.
> This is not merely a political issue but an educational issue, one that
> points to the need for modes of civic education that provide the knowledge
> and competencies for young and old alike to raise important questions about
> what education and literacy itself should accomplish in a democracy. [5]
> This is not an issue we can ignore too much longer.
> Notes:
> 1. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford
> University Press, 1959). See also the brilliant Richard Sennett, The Fall
> of
> Public Man (New York; W.W. Norton, 1992).
> 2. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York:
> Vintage, 1966); Susan Jacoby, The Age of American Unreason (New York:
> Vintage, 2009); Chris Hedges, Empire of Illusion (Toronto: Knopf Canada,
> 2009).
> 3. Chris Hedges, "Celebrity Culture and the Obama Brand," Tikkun
> (January/February 2010).
> 4. Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, "Millennial Capitalism: First
> Thoughts on a Second Coming," Public Culture 12:2 (2000), pp. 305-306.
> 5. Zygmunt Bauman, "Introduction," Society under Siege (Maiden, MA:
> Blackwell, 2002), p. 170.
> This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not
> be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.
> Henry A. Giroux
> Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for
> Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies
> Department and a Distinguished Visiting Professorship at Ryerson
> University.
> His most recent books include: Youth in Revolt: Reclaiming a Democratic
> Future (Paradigm 2013), America's Educational Deficit and the War on Youth
> (Monthly Review Press, 2013) Neoliberalism's War on Higher Education
> (Haymarket Press, 2014), and The Violence of Organized Forgetting: Thinking
> Beyond America's Disimagination Machine (City Lights, 2014). The Toronto
> Star named Henry Giroux one of the 12 Canadians changing the way we think!
> Giroux is also a member of Truthout's Board of Directors. His website is
> www.henryagiroux.com.
>
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>
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