Malcolm X Was Right About America

This is another one of those articles which should be studied again
and again. And then discussed. And then given careful thought. If
we are unable to break out of the lies being taught us, we are doomed.
Carl Jarvis

On 2/2/15, Miriam Vieni <miriamvieni@optonline.net> wrote:
>
>
>
> Malcolm X Was Right About America
> http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/malcolm_x_was_right_about_america_201502
> 01/
> Posted on Feb 1, 2015
> By Chris Hedges
>
> Malcolm X about two weeks before he was murdered in 1965. AP/Victor
> Boynton
> NEW YORK-Malcolm X, unlike Martin Luther King Jr., did not believe America
> had a conscience. For him there was no great tension between the lofty
> ideals of the nation-which he said were a sham-and the failure to deliver
> justice to blacks. He, perhaps better than King, understood the inner
> workings of empire. He had no hope that those who managed empire would ever
> get in touch with their better selves to build a country free of
> exploitation and injustice. He argued that from the arrival of the first
> slave ship to the appearance of our vast archipelago of prisons and our
> squalid, urban internal colonies where the poor are trapped and abused, the
> American empire was unrelentingly hostile to those Frantz Fanon called "the
> wretched of the earth." This, Malcolm knew, would not change until the
> empire was destroyed.
> "It is impossible for capitalism to survive, primarily because the system
> of
> capitalism needs some blood to suck," Malcolm said. "Capitalism used to be
> like an eagle, but now it's more like a vulture. It used to be strong
> enough
> to go and suck anybody's blood whether they were strong or not. But now it
> has become more cowardly, like the vulture, and it can only suck the blood
> of the helpless. As the nations of the world free themselves, then
> capitalism has less victims, less to suck, and it becomes weaker and
> weaker.
> It's only a matter of time in my opinion before it will collapse
> completely."
> King was able to achieve a legal victory through the civil rights movement,
> portrayed in the new film "Selma." But he failed to bring about economic
> justice and thwart the rapacious appetite of the war machine that he was
> acutely aware was responsible for empire's abuse of the oppressed at home
> and abroad. And 50 years after Malcolm X was assassinated in the Audubon
> Ballroom in Harlem by hit men from the Nation of Islam, it is clear that
> he,
> not King, was right. We are the nation Malcolm knew us to be. Human beings
> can be redeemed. Empires cannot. Our refusal to face the truth about
> empire,
> our refusal to defy the multitudinous crimes and atrocities of empire, has
> brought about the nightmare Malcolm predicted. And as the Digital Age and
> our post-literate society implant a terrifying historical amnesia, these
> crimes are erased as swiftly as they are committed.
> "Sometimes, I have dared to dream . that one day, history may even say that
> my voice-which disturbed the white man's smugness, and his arrogance, and
> his complacency-that my voice helped to save America from a grave, possibly
> even fatal catastrophe," Malcolm wrote.
> The integration of elites of color, including Barack Obama, into the upper
> echelons of institutional and political structures has done nothing to
> blunt
> the predatory nature of empire. Identity and gender politics-we are about
> to
> be sold a woman president in the form of Hillary Clinton-have fostered, as
> Malcolm understood, fraud and theft by Wall Street, the evisceration of our
> civil liberties, the misery of an underclass in which half of all public
> school children live in poverty, the expansion of our imperial wars and the
> deep and perhaps fatal exploitation of the ecosystem. And until we heed
> Malcolm X, until we grapple with the truth about the self-destruction that
> lies at the heart of empire, the victims, at home and abroad, will mount.
> Malcolm, like James Baldwin, understood that only by facing the truth about
> who we are as members of an imperial power can people of color, along with
> whites, be liberated. This truth is bitter and painful. It requires an
> acknowledgment of our capacity for evil, injustice and exploitation, and it
> demands repentance. But we cling like giddy children to the lies we tell
> ourselves about ourselves. We refuse to grow up. And because of these lies,
> perpetrated across the cultural and political spectrum, liberation has not
> taken place. Empire devours us all.
> "We're anti-evil, anti-oppression, anti-lynching," Malcolm said. "You can't
> be anti- those things unless you're also anti- the oppressor and the
> lyncher. You can't be anti-slavery and pro-slavemaster; you can't be
> anti-crime and pro-criminal. In fact, Mr. Muhammad teaches that if the
> present generation of whites would study their own race in the light of
> true
> history, they would be anti-white themselves."
> Malcolm once said that, had he been a middle-class black who was encouraged
> to go to law school, rather than a poor child in a detention home who
> dropped out of school at 15, "I would today probably be among some city's
> professional black bourgeoisie, sipping cocktails and palming myself off as
> a community spokesman for and leader of the suffering black masses, while
> my
> primary concern would be to grab a few more crumbs from the groaning board
> of the two-faced whites with whom they're begging to 'integrate.' "
> Malcolm's family, struggling and poor, was callously ripped apart by state
> agencies in a pattern that remains unchanged. The courts, substandard
> schooling, roach-filled apartments, fear, humiliation, despair, poverty,
> greedy bankers, abusive employers, police, jails and probation officers did
> their work then as they do it now. Malcolm saw racial integration as a
> politically sterile game, one played by a black middle class anxious to
> sell
> its soul as an enabler of empire and capitalism. "The man who tosses worms
> in the river," Malcolm said, "isn't necessarily a friend of the fish. All
> the fish who take him for a friend, who think the worm's got no hook on it,
> usually end up in the frying pan." He related to the apocalyptic battles in
> the Book of Revelation where the persecuted rise up in revolt against the
> wicked.
> "Martin [Luther King Jr.] doesn't have the revolutionary fire that Malcolm
> had until the very end of his life," Cornel West says in his book with
> Christa Buschendorf, "Black Prophetic Fire." "And by revolutionary fire I
> mean understanding the system under which we live, the capitalist system,
> the imperial tentacles, the American empire, the disregard for life, the
> willingness to violate law, be it international law or domestic law.
> Malcolm
> understood that from very early on, and it hit Martin so hard that he does
> become a revolutionary in his own moral way later in his short life,
> whereas
> Malcolm had the revolutionary fire so early in his life."
> There are three great books on Malcolm X: "The Autobiography of Malcolm X:
> As Told to Alex Haley," "The Death and Life of Malcolm X" by Peter Goldman
> and "Martin & Malcolm & America: A Dream or a Nightmare" by James H. Cone.
> On Friday I met Goldman-who as a reporter for a St. Louis newspaper and
> later for Newsweek knew and covered Malcolm-in a New York City cafe.
> Goldman
> was part of a tiny circle of white reporters Malcolm respected, including
> Charles Silberman of Fortune and M.S. "Mike" Handler of The New York Times,
> who Malcolm once said had "none of the usual prejudices or sentimentalities
> about black people."
> Goldman and his wife, Helen Dudar, who also was a reporter, first met
> Malcolm in 1962 at the Shabazz Frosti Kreem, a Black Muslim luncheonette in
> St. Louis' north-side ghetto. At that meeting Malcolm poured some cream
> into
> his coffee. "Coffee is the only thing I liked integrated," he commented. He
> went on: "The average Negro doesn't even let another Negro know what he
> thinks, he's so mistrusting. He's an acrobat. He had to be to survive in
> this civilization. But by me being a Muslim, I'm black first-my sympathies
> are black, my allegiance is black, my whole objectives are black. By me
> being a Muslim, I'm not interested in being American, because America has
> never been interested in me."
> He told Goldman and Dudar: "We don't hate. The white man has a guilt
> complex-he knows he's done wrong. He knows that if he had undergone at our
> hands what we have undergone at his, he would hate us." When Goldman told
> Malcolm he believed in a single society in which race did not matter
> Malcolm
> said sharply: "You're dealing in fantasy. You've got to deal in facts."
> Goldman remembered, "He was the messenger who brought us the bad news, and
> nobody wanted to hear it." Despite the "bad news" at that first meeting,
> Goldman would go on to have several more interviews with him, interviews
> that often lasted two or three hours. The writer now credits Malcolm for
> his
> "re-education."
> Goldman was struck from the beginning by Malcolm's unfailing courtesy, his
> dazzling smile, his moral probity, his courage and, surprisingly, his
> gentleness. Goldman mentions the day that psychologist and writer Kenneth
> B.
> Clark and his wife escorted a group of high school students, most of them
> white, to meet Malcolm. They arrived to find him surrounded by reporters.
> Mrs. Clark, feeling that meeting with reporters was probably more
> important,
> told Malcolm the teenagers would wait. "The important thing is these kids,"
> Malcolm said to the Clarks as he called the students forward. "He didn't
> see
> a difference between white kids and kids," Kenneth Clark is quoted as
> saying
> in Goldman's book.
> James Baldwin too wrote of Malcolm's deep sensitivity. He and Malcolm were
> on a radio program in 1961 with a young civil rights activist who had just
> returned from the South. "If you are an American citizen," Baldwin
> remembered Malcolm asking the young man, "why have you got to fight for
> your
> rights as a citizen? To be a citizen means that you have the rights of a
> citizen. If you haven't got the rights of a citizen, then you're not a
> citizen." "It's not as simple as that," the young man answered. "Why not?"
> Malcolm asked.
> During the exchange, Baldwin wrote, "Malcolm understood that child and
> talked to him as though he was talking to a younger brother, and with that
> same watchful attention. What most struck me was that he was not at all
> trying to proselytize the child: he was trying to make him think. ... I
> will
> never forget Malcolm and that child facing each other, and Malcolm's
> extraordinary gentleness. And that's the truth about Malcolm: he was one of
> the gentlest people I have ever met."
> "One of Malcolm's many lines that I liked was 'I am the man you think you
> are,' " Goldman said. "What he meant by that was if you hit me I would hit
> you back. But over the period of my acquaintance with him I came to believe
> it also meant if you respect me I will respect you back."
> Cone amplifies this point in "Martin & Malcolm & America":
> Malcolm X is the best medicine against genocide. He showed us by example
> and
> prophetic preaching that one does not have to stay in the mud. We can wake
> up; we can stand up; and we can take that long walk toward freedom. Freedom
> is first and foremost an inner recognition of self-respect, a knowledge
> that
> one was not put on this earth to be a nobody. Using drugs and killing each
> other are the worst forms of nobodyness. Our forefathers fought against
> great odds (slavery, lynching, and segregation), but they did not
> self-destruct. Some died fighting, and others, inspired by their example,
> kept moving toward the promised land of freedom, singing 'we ain't gonna
> let
> nobody turn us around.' African-Americans can do the same today. We can
> fight for our dignity and self-respect. To be proud to be black does not
> mean being against white people, unless whites are against respecting the
> humanity of blacks. Malcolm was not against whites; he was for blacks and
> against their exploitation.
> Goldman lamented the loss of voices such as Malcolm's, voices steeped in an
> understanding of our historical and cultural truths and endowed with the
> courage to speak these truths in public.
> "We don't read anymore," Goldman said. "We don't learn anymore. History is
> disappearing. People talk about living in the moment as if it is a virtue.
> It is a horrible vice. Between the twitterverse and the 24-hour cable news
> cycle our history keeps disappearing. History is something boring that you
> had to endure in high school and then you are rid of it. Then you go to
> college and study finance, accounting, business management or computer
> science. There are damn few liberal arts majors left. And this has erased
> our history. The larger figure in the '60s was, of course, King. But what
> the huge majority of Americans know about King is [only] that he made a
> speech where he said 'I have a dream' and that his name is attached to a
> day
> off."
> Malcolm, like King, understood the cost of being a prophet. The two men
> daily faced down this cost.
> Malcolm, as Goldman writes, met with the reporter Claude Lewis not long
> before his Feb. 21, 1965, murder. He had already experienced several
> attempts on his life.
> "This is an era of hypocrisy," he told Lewis. "When white folks pretend
> that
> they want Negroes to be free, and Negroes pretend to white folks that they
> really believe that white folks want 'em to be free, it's an era of
> hypocrisy, brother. You fool me and I fool you. You pretend that you're my
> brother, and I pretend that I really believe you believe you're my
> brother."
> He told Lewis he would never reach old age. "If you read, you'll find that
> very few people who think like I think live long enough to get old. When I
> say by any means necessary, I mean it with all my heart, my mind and my
> soul. A black man should give his life to be free, and he should also be
> able, be willing to take the life of those who want to take his. When you
> really think like that, you don't live long."
> Lewis asked him how he wanted to be remembered. "Sincere," Malcolm said.
> "In
> whatever I did or do. Even if I made mistakes, they were made in sincerity.
> If I'm wrong, I'm wrong in sincerity. I think that the best thing that a
> person can be is sincere."
> "The price of freedom," Malcolm said shortly before he was killed, "is
> death."
>
>
>
> http://www.truthdig.com/ http://www.truthdig.com/
>
> Malcolm X Was Right About America
> http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/malcolm_x_was_right_about_america_201502
> 01/
> Posted on Feb 1, 2015
> By Chris Hedges
>
> Malcolm X about two weeks before he was murdered in 1965. AP/Victor Boynton
>
> NEW YORK-Malcolm X, unlike Martin Luther King Jr., did not believe America
> had a conscience. For him there was no great tension between the lofty
> ideals of the nation-which he said were a sham-and the failure to deliver
> justice to blacks. He, perhaps better than King, understood the inner
> workings of empire. He had no hope that those who managed empire would ever
> get in touch with their better selves to build a country free of
> exploitation and injustice. He argued that from the arrival of the first
> slave ship to the appearance of our vast archipelago of prisons and our
> squalid, urban internal colonies where the poor are trapped and abused, the
> American empire was unrelentingly hostile to those Frantz Fanon called "the
> wretched of the earth." This, Malcolm knew, would not change until the
> empire was destroyed.
> "It is impossible for capitalism to survive, primarily because the system
> of
> capitalism needs some blood to suck," Malcolm said. "Capitalism used to be
> like an eagle, but now it's more like a vulture. It used to be strong
> enough
> to go and suck anybody's blood whether they were strong or not. But now it
> has become more cowardly, like the vulture, and it can only suck the blood
> of the helpless. As the nations of the world free themselves, then
> capitalism has less victims, less to suck, and it becomes weaker and
> weaker.
> It's only a matter of time in my opinion before it will collapse
> completely."
> King was able to achieve a legal victory through the civil rights movement,
> portrayed in the new film "Selma." But he failed to bring about economic
> justice and thwart the rapacious appetite of the war machine that he was
> acutely aware was responsible for empire's abuse of the oppressed at home
> and abroad. And 50 years after Malcolm X was assassinated in the Audubon
> Ballroom in Harlem by hit men from the Nation of Islam, it is clear that
> he,
> not King, was right. We are the nation Malcolm knew us to be. Human beings
> can be redeemed. Empires cannot. Our refusal to face the truth about
> empire,
> our refusal to defy the multitudinous crimes and atrocities of empire, has
> brought about the nightmare Malcolm predicted. And as the Digital Age and
> our post-literate society implant a terrifying historical amnesia, these
> crimes are erased as swiftly as they are committed.
> "Sometimes, I have dared to dream . that one day, history may even say that
> my voice-which disturbed the white man's smugness, and his arrogance, and
> his complacency-that my voice helped to save America from a grave, possibly
> even fatal catastrophe," Malcolm wrote.
> The integration of elites of color, including Barack Obama, into the upper
> echelons of institutional and political structures has done nothing to
> blunt
> the predatory nature of empire. Identity and gender politics-we are about
> to
> be sold a woman president in the form of Hillary Clinton-have fostered, as
> Malcolm understood, fraud and theft by Wall Street, the evisceration of our
> civil liberties, the misery of an underclass in which half of all public
> school children live in poverty, the expansion of our imperial wars and the
> deep and perhaps fatal exploitation of the ecosystem. And until we heed
> Malcolm X, until we grapple with the truth about the self-destruction that
> lies at the heart of empire, the victims, at home and abroad, will mount.
> Malcolm, like James Baldwin, understood that only by facing the truth about
> who we are as members of an imperial power can people of color, along with
> whites, be liberated. This truth is bitter and painful. It requires an
> acknowledgment of our capacity for evil, injustice and exploitation, and it
> demands repentance. But we cling like giddy children to the lies we tell
> ourselves about ourselves. We refuse to grow up. And because of these lies,
> perpetrated across the cultural and political spectrum, liberation has not
> taken place. Empire devours us all.
> "We're anti-evil, anti-oppression, anti-lynching," Malcolm said. "You can't
> be anti- those things unless you're also anti- the oppressor and the
> lyncher. You can't be anti-slavery and pro-slavemaster; you can't be
> anti-crime and pro-criminal. In fact, Mr. Muhammad teaches that if the
> present generation of whites would study their own race in the light of
> true
> history, they would be anti-white themselves."
> Malcolm once said that, had he been a middle-class black who was encouraged
> to go to law school, rather than a poor child in a detention home who
> dropped out of school at 15, "I would today probably be among some city's
> professional black bourgeoisie, sipping cocktails and palming myself off as
> a community spokesman for and leader of the suffering black masses, while
> my
> primary concern would be to grab a few more crumbs from the groaning board
> of the two-faced whites with whom they're begging to 'integrate.' "
> Malcolm's family, struggling and poor, was callously ripped apart by state
> agencies in a pattern that remains unchanged. The courts, substandard
> schooling, roach-filled apartments, fear, humiliation, despair, poverty,
> greedy bankers, abusive employers, police, jails and probation officers did
> their work then as they do it now. Malcolm saw racial integration as a
> politically sterile game, one played by a black middle class anxious to
> sell
> its soul as an enabler of empire and capitalism. "The man who tosses worms
> in the river," Malcolm said, "isn't necessarily a friend of the fish. All
> the fish who take him for a friend, who think the worm's got no hook on it,
> usually end up in the frying pan." He related to the apocalyptic battles in
> the Book of Revelation where the persecuted rise up in revolt against the
> wicked.
> "Martin [Luther King Jr.] doesn't have the revolutionary fire that Malcolm
> had until the very end of his life," Cornel West says in his book with
> Christa Buschendorf, "Black Prophetic Fire." "And by revolutionary fire I
> mean understanding the system under which we live, the capitalist system,
> the imperial tentacles, the American empire, the disregard for life, the
> willingness to violate law, be it international law or domestic law.
> Malcolm
> understood that from very early on, and it hit Martin so hard that he does
> become a revolutionary in his own moral way later in his short life,
> whereas
> Malcolm had the revolutionary fire so early in his life."
> There are three great books on Malcolm X: "The Autobiography of Malcolm X:
> As Told to Alex Haley," "The Death and Life of Malcolm X" by Peter Goldman
> and "Martin & Malcolm & America: A Dream or a Nightmare" by James H. Cone.
> On Friday I met Goldman-who as a reporter for a St. Louis newspaper and
> later for Newsweek knew and covered Malcolm-in a New York City cafe.
> Goldman
> was part of a tiny circle of white reporters Malcolm respected, including
> Charles Silberman of Fortune and M.S. "Mike" Handler of The New York Times,
> who Malcolm once said had "none of the usual prejudices or sentimentalities
> about black people."
> Goldman and his wife, Helen Dudar, who also was a reporter, first met
> Malcolm in 1962 at the Shabazz Frosti Kreem, a Black Muslim luncheonette in
> St. Louis' north-side ghetto. At that meeting Malcolm poured some cream
> into
> his coffee. "Coffee is the only thing I liked integrated," he commented. He
> went on: "The average Negro doesn't even let another Negro know what he
> thinks, he's so mistrusting. He's an acrobat. He had to be to survive in
> this civilization. But by me being a Muslim, I'm black first-my sympathies
> are black, my allegiance is black, my whole objectives are black. By me
> being a Muslim, I'm not interested in being American, because America has
> never been interested in me."
> He told Goldman and Dudar: "We don't hate. The white man has a guilt
> complex-he knows he's done wrong. He knows that if he had undergone at our
> hands what we have undergone at his, he would hate us." When Goldman told
> Malcolm he believed in a single society in which race did not matter
> Malcolm
> said sharply: "You're dealing in fantasy. You've got to deal in facts."
> Goldman remembered, "He was the messenger who brought us the bad news, and
> nobody wanted to hear it." Despite the "bad news" at that first meeting,
> Goldman would go on to have several more interviews with him, interviews
> that often lasted two or three hours. The writer now credits Malcolm for
> his
> "re-education."
> Goldman was struck from the beginning by Malcolm's unfailing courtesy, his
> dazzling smile, his moral probity, his courage and, surprisingly, his
> gentleness. Goldman mentions the day that psychologist and writer Kenneth
> B.
> Clark and his wife escorted a group of high school students, most of them
> white, to meet Malcolm. They arrived to find him surrounded by reporters.
> Mrs. Clark, feeling that meeting with reporters was probably more
> important,
> told Malcolm the teenagers would wait. "The important thing is these kids,"
> Malcolm said to the Clarks as he called the students forward. "He didn't
> see
> a difference between white kids and kids," Kenneth Clark is quoted as
> saying
> in Goldman's book.
> James Baldwin too wrote of Malcolm's deep sensitivity. He and Malcolm were
> on a radio program in 1961 with a young civil rights activist who had just
> returned from the South. "If you are an American citizen," Baldwin
> remembered Malcolm asking the young man, "why have you got to fight for
> your
> rights as a citizen? To be a citizen means that you have the rights of a
> citizen. If you haven't got the rights of a citizen, then you're not a
> citizen." "It's not as simple as that," the young man answered. "Why not?"
> Malcolm asked.
> During the exchange, Baldwin wrote, "Malcolm understood that child and
> talked to him as though he was talking to a younger brother, and with that
> same watchful attention. What most struck me was that he was not at all
> trying to proselytize the child: he was trying to make him think. ... I
> will
> never forget Malcolm and that child facing each other, and Malcolm's
> extraordinary gentleness. And that's the truth about Malcolm: he was one of
> the gentlest people I have ever met."
> "One of Malcolm's many lines that I liked was 'I am the man you think you
> are,' " Goldman said. "What he meant by that was if you hit me I would hit
> you back. But over the period of my acquaintance with him I came to believe
> it also meant if you respect me I will respect you back."
> Cone amplifies this point in "Martin & Malcolm & America":
> Malcolm X is the best medicine against genocide. He showed us by example
> and
> prophetic preaching that one does not have to stay in the mud. We can wake
> up; we can stand up; and we can take that long walk toward freedom. Freedom
> is first and foremost an inner recognition of self-respect, a knowledge
> that
> one was not put on this earth to be a nobody. Using drugs and killing each
> other are the worst forms of nobodyness. Our forefathers fought against
> great odds (slavery, lynching, and segregation), but they did not
> self-destruct. Some died fighting, and others, inspired by their example,
> kept moving toward the promised land of freedom, singing 'we ain't gonna
> let
> nobody turn us around.' African-Americans can do the same today. We can
> fight for our dignity and self-respect. To be proud to be black does not
> mean being against white people, unless whites are against respecting the
> humanity of blacks. Malcolm was not against whites; he was for blacks and
> against their exploitation.
> Goldman lamented the loss of voices such as Malcolm's, voices steeped in an
> understanding of our historical and cultural truths and endowed with the
> courage to speak these truths in public.
> "We don't read anymore," Goldman said. "We don't learn anymore. History is
> disappearing. People talk about living in the moment as if it is a virtue.
> It is a horrible vice. Between the twitterverse and the 24-hour cable news
> cycle our history keeps disappearing. History is something boring that you
> had to endure in high school and then you are rid of it. Then you go to
> college and study finance, accounting, business management or computer
> science. There are damn few liberal arts majors left. And this has erased
> our history. The larger figure in the '60s was, of course, King. But what
> the huge majority of Americans know about King is [only] that he made a
> speech where he said 'I have a dream' and that his name is attached to a
> day
> off."
> Malcolm, like King, understood the cost of being a prophet. The two men
> daily faced down this cost.
> Malcolm, as Goldman writes, met with the reporter Claude Lewis not long
> before his Feb. 21, 1965, murder. He had already experienced several
> attempts on his life.
> "This is an era of hypocrisy," he told Lewis. "When white folks pretend
> that
> they want Negroes to be free, and Negroes pretend to white folks that they
> really believe that white folks want 'em to be free, it's an era of
> hypocrisy, brother. You fool me and I fool you. You pretend that you're my
> brother, and I pretend that I really believe you believe you're my
> brother."
> He told Lewis he would never reach old age. "If you read, you'll find that
> very few people who think like I think live long enough to get old. When I
> say by any means necessary, I mean it with all my heart, my mind and my
> soul. A black man should give his life to be free, and he should also be
> able, be willing to take the life of those who want to take his. When you
> really think like that, you don't live long."
> Lewis asked him how he wanted to be remembered. "Sincere," Malcolm said.
> "In
> whatever I did or do. Even if I made mistakes, they were made in sincerity.
> If I'm wrong, I'm wrong in sincerity. I think that the best thing that a
> person can be is sincere."
> "The price of freedom," Malcolm said shortly before he was killed, "is
> death."
> http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/war_is_the_new_normal_20150202/
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