Thursday, September 30, 2010
Joe Arpaio: victim of a witch hunt?
Wednesday, September 29, 2010
Michele Bachmann; ignorant or just plain stupid
If Michele Bachmann actually believes this to be true, then
Michele Bachmann is Stupid.
Michele Bachmann to realize that she is entering a Capitalist, International Corporate, Military Controlled system.
Tuesday, September 28, 2010
a really strange dream
Monday, September 27, 2010
Fw: Koch Industries Creates Congressional Candidate
FBI cites terror link in raids of local activists
how long oh Lord, how long?
The RICH get rich and the poor get poorer,
In the meantime, in between time,
Ain't we got fun."
Iranian President MahmoudAhmadinejad's Speech to the UN on Sep. 23, 2010 (Sep. 25, 2010)
News Alert: U.S. Is Working to Ease Wiretapping on the Internet
Saturday, September 25, 2010
good news, bad news
reading playboy in Braille
The Right of The Blind to Read Trash
Friday, September 24, 2010
quitters never win
This Country Just Can't Deal with Reality Any More
smoke and mirrors
the Pope; leading by apology
Thursday, September 23, 2010
I never listen to Glenn Beck
is easier better?
State Must Move Mentally Ill Out of Group Homes
On repairing Vendors equipment
Obama's Budget Revealed: Money for Wars and Weapons, WhileMore Americans Face Joblessness
Monday, September 20, 2010
My thoughts on Michael Moore
----- Original Message -----From: R. E. Driscoll SrSent: Saturday, September 18, 2010 1:29 PMSubject: Re: Healthcare: Jimmy Carter VS. Ted KennedyDear Friends:
How interesting that someone should bring up Michael Moore. Last night his movie Canadian Bacon was on TV and I got to watch and listen to it in its entirety. If his mental processes are similar to the movie script I feel sorry for Michael. I am sure he was trying to tell me something but I missed it entirely. Sorry about that!
Regards,
R. E. (Dick) Driscoll, Sr.
...and did I mention Humble, too?
The Secret Election: who's paying for it?
Saturday, September 18, 2010
old attitudes die hard
Thursday, September 16, 2010
more ramblings of an old blind agnostic
Our Menace Is not Insane Right-Wingers
Our Menace Isn't Insane Right-Wingers, It's Unrivaled Corporate Power and
the Decay of Our Democratic Institutions
By Chris Hedges, Truthdig
Posted on September 13, 2010, Printed on September 16, 2010
http://www.alternet.org/story/148173/
This article first appeared on TruthDig.
There are no longer any major institutions in American society, including
the press, the educational system, the financial sector, labor unions, the
arts, religious institutions and our dysfunctional political parties, which
can be considered democratic. The intent, design and function of these
institutions, controlled by corporate money, are to bolster the hierarchical
and anti-democratic power of the corporate state. These institutions, often
mouthing liberal values, abet and perpetuate mounting inequality. They
operate increasingly in secrecy. They ignore suffering or sacrifice human
lives for profit. They control and manipulate all levers of power and mass
communication. They have muzzled the voices and concerns of citizens. They
use entertainment, celebrity gossip and emotionally laden public-relations
lies to seduce us into believing in a Disneyworld fantasy of democracy.
The menace we face does not come from the insane wing of the Republican
Party, which may make huge inroads in the coming elections, but the
institutions tasked with protecting democratic participation. Do not fear
Glenn Beck or Sarah Palin. Do not fear the tea party movement, the birthers,
the legions of conspiracy theorists or the militias. Fear the underlying
corporate power structure, which no one, from Barack Obama to the right-wing
nut cases who pollute the airwaves, can alter. If the hegemony of the
corporate state is not soon broken we will descend into a technologically
enhanced age of barbarism.
Investing emotional and intellectual energy in electoral politics is a waste
of time. Resistance means a radical break with the formal structures of
American society. We must cut as many ties with consumer society and
corporations as possible. We must build a new political and economic
consciousness centered on the tangible issues of sustainable agriculture,
self-sufficiency and radical environmental reform. The democratic system,
and the liberal institutions that once made piecemeal reform possible, is
dead. It exists only in name. It is no longer a viable mechanism for change.
And the longer we play our scripted and absurd role in this charade the
worse it will get. Do not pity Barack Obama and the Democratic Party. They
will get what they deserve. They sold the citizens out for cash and power.
They lied. They manipulated and deceived the public, from the bailouts to
the abandonment of universal health care, to serve corporate interests. They
refused to halt the wanton corporate destruction of the ecosystem on which
all life depends. They betrayed the most basic ideals of democracy. And
they, as much as the Republicans, are the problem.
"It is like being in a pit," Ralph Nader told me when we spoke on Saturday.
"If you are four feet in the pit you have a chance to grab the top and hoist
yourself up. If you are 30 feet in the pit you have to start on a different
scale."
All resistance will take place outside the arena of electoral politics. The
more we expand community credit unions, community health clinics and food
cooperatives and build alternative energy systems, the more empowered we
will become.
"To the extent that these organizations expand and get into communities
where they do not exist, we will weaken the multinational goliath, from the
banks to the agribusinesses to the HMO giants and hospital chains," Nader
said.
The failure of liberals to defend the interests of working men and women as
our manufacturing sector was dismantled, labor unions were destroyed and
social services were slashed has proved to be a disastrous and fatal
misjudgment. Liberals, who betrayed the working class, have no credibility.
This is one of the principle reasons the anti-war movement cannot attract
the families whose sons and daughters are fighting and dying in Iraq and
Afghanistan. And liberal hypocrisy has opened the door for a virulent right
wing. If we are to reconnect with the working class we will have to begin
from zero. We will have to rebuild the ties with the poor and the working
class which the liberal establishment severed. We will have to condemn the
liberal class as vociferously as we condemn the right wing. And we will have
to remain true to the moral imperative to foster the common good and the
tangible needs of housing, health care, jobs, education and food.
We will, once again, be bombarded in this election cycle with messages of
fear from the Democratic Party-designed, in the end, to serve corporate
interests. "Better Barack Obama than Sarah Palin," we will be told. Better
the sane technocrats like Larry Summers than half-wits like John Bolton. But
this time we must resist. If we express the legitimate rage of the
dispossessed working class as our own, if we denounce and refuse to
cooperate with the Democratic Party, we can begin to impede the march of the
right-wing trolls who seem destined to inherit power. If we again prove
compliant we will discredit the socialism we should be offering as an
alternative to a perverted Christian and corporate fascism.
The tea party movement is, as Nader points out, "a conviction revolt." Most
of the participants in the tea party rallies are not poor. They are
small-business people and professionals. They feel that something is wrong.
They see that the two parties are equally responsible for the subsidies and
bailouts, the wars and the deficits. They know these parties must be
replaced. The corporate state, whose interests are being championed by tea
party leaders such as Palin and Dick Armey, is working hard to make sure the
anger of the movement is directed toward government rather than corporations
and Wall Street. And if these corporate apologists succeed, a more overt
form of corporate fascism will emerge without a socialist counterweight.
"Poor people do not organize," Nader lamented. "They never have. It has
always been people who have fairly good jobs. You don't see Wal-Mart workers
massing anywhere. The people who are the most militant are the people who
had the best blue-collar jobs. Their expectation level was high. When they
felt their jobs were being jeopardized they got really angry. But when you
are at $7.25 an hour you want to hang on to $7.25 an hour. It is a strange
thing."
"People have institutionalized oppressive power in the form of surrender,"
Nader said. "It is not that they like it. But what are you going to do about
it? You make the best of it. The system of control is staggeringly
dictatorial. It breaks new ground and innovates in ways no one in human
history has ever innovated. You start in American history where these
corporations have influence. Then they have lobbyists. Then they run
candidates. Then they put their appointments in top government positions.
Now, they are actually operating the government. Look at Halliburton and
Blackwater. Yesterday someone in our office called the Office of Pipeline
Safety apropos the San Bruno explosion in California. The press woman
answered. The guy in our office saw on the screen that she had CTR next to
her name. He said, 'What is CTR?' She said, 'I am a contractor.' He said,
'This is the press office at the Department of Transportation. They
contracted out the press office?' 'Yes,' she said, 'but that's OK, I come to
work here every day.' "
"The corporate state is the ultimate maturation of American-type fascism,"
Nader said. "They leave wide areas of personal freedom so that people can
confuse personal freedom with civic freedom-the freedom to go where you
want, eat where you want, associate with who you want, buy what you want,
work where you want, sleep when you want, play when you want. If people have
given up on any civic or political role for themselves there is a sufficient
amount of elbow room to get through the day. They do not have the freedom to
participate in the decisions about war, foreign policy, domestic health and
safety issues, taxes or transportation. That is its genius. But one of its
Achilles' heels is that the price of the corporate state is a deteriorating
political economy. They can't stop their greed from getting the next morsel.
The question is, at what point are enough people going to have a breaking
point in terms of their own economic plight? At what point will they say
enough is enough? When that happens, is a tea party type enough or [Sen.
Robert M.] La Follette or Eugene Debs type of enough?"
It is anti-corporate movements as exemplified by the Scandinavian energy
firm Kraft&Kultur that we must emulate. Kraft&Kultur sells electricity
exclusively from solar and water power. It has begun to merge clean energy
with cultural events, bookstores and a political consciousness that actively
defies corporate hegemony.
The failure by the Obama administration to use the bailout and stimulus
money to build public works such as schools, libraries, roads, clinics,
highways, public transit and reclaiming dams, as well as create green jobs,
has snuffed out any hope of serious economic, political or environmental
reform coming from the centralized bureaucracy of the corporate state. And
since the government did not hire enough auditors and examiners to monitor
how the hundreds of billions in taxpayer funds funneled to Wall Street are
being spent, we will soon see reports of widespread mismanagement and
corruption. The rot and corruption at the top levels of our financial and
political systems, coupled with the increasing deprivation felt by tens of
millions of Americans, are volatile tinder for a horrific right-wing
backlash in the absence of a committed socialist alternative.
"If you took a day off and did nothing but listen to Hannity, Beck and
Limbaugh and realized that this goes on 260 days a year, you would see that
it is overwhelming," Nader said. "You have to almost have a genetic
resistance in your mind and body not to be affected by it. These guys are
very good. They are clever. They are funny. They are emotional. It beats me
how Air America didn't make it, except it went after [it criticized]
corporations, and corporations advertise. These right-wingers go after
government, and government doesn't advertise. And that is the difference. It
isn't that their message appeals more. Air America starved because it could
not get ads."
We do not have much time left. And the longer we refuse to confront
corporate power the more impotent we become as society breaks down. The game
of electoral politics, which is given legitimacy by the right and the
so-called left on the cable news shows, is just that-a game. It diverts us
from what should be our daily task-dismantling, piece by piece, the iron
grip that corporations hold over our lives. Hope is a word that is
applicable only to those who grasp reality, however bleak, and do something
meaningful to fight back-which does not include the farce of elections and
involvement in mainstream political parties. Hope is about fighting against
the real forces of destruction, not chanting "Yes We Can!" in rallies
orchestrated by marketing experts, television crews, pollsters and
propagandists or begging Obama to be Obama. Hope, in the hands of realists,
spreads fear into the black heart of the corporate elite. But hope, real
hope, remains thwarted by our collective self-delusion.
Chris Hedges, a Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, is a senior fellow at the
Nation Institute. He writes a regular column for TruthDig every Monday. His
latest book is Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of
Spectacle.
C 2010 Truthdig All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/148173/
and another thought on smelling the coffee...
----- Original Message -----From: Bruce RadtkeTo: Carl Jarvis ; Holly KaczmarskiSent: Wednesday, September 15, 2010 8:25 PMSubject: Re: Meeting notice and conference numbersCarl and Holly, when you say "terrorists are among us," I would respond that war is terrorism. Bruce
On Sun, Sep 12, 2010 at 9:01 AM, Carl Jarvis <carjar82@gmail.com> wrote:
Holly,What is bothering you is called "Capitalism". We pay lip service to others needs but then turn around and grab for the brass ring.The Deaf Blind Service Center has never been one of DSB's core programs, and so is not protected. It is no longer a question of which programs are critical to meeting people's needs. We are now down to tearing apart that very America we were told that we were going to defend from Terrorists. Turns out that the Terrorists are among us.I have always said that the Deaf Blind should be declared a separate disability. The combination of both blindness and deafness makes them difficult to serve by either the DSHS Deaf Program or the DSB. But funding the Deaf Blind Service Center was one way of serving them.Now they must fight for their very lives. Or at least for their very independence.Carl----- Original Message -----From: Holly B. KaczmarskiTo: 'Carl Jarvis' ; 'Karen Johnson' ; 'Alco Canfield' ; 'Barbara Crowley' ; 'Bill Hoage' ; 'Bruce Radtke' ; 'john guydish' ; 'Shirley Taylor'Sent: Sunday, September 12, 2010 8:36 AMSubject: RE: Meeting notice and conference numbersWhy are the deaf/blind being cut when it took years to find good programs to serve their needs and now they are out in the cold? It is always the old and disabled who get the shaft. We don't know who to blame but it still makes me sick. It's funny . . . or not funny but sad . . . that we always have time to go to war and spend money on other things, fancy limos for movie stars and politicians, stretch limos that I cannot stand to look at when I see one in town, and other unnecessary frivolities and then there is no money to help those in need. Something is wrong with this picture. The entire situation is immoral as best and criminal at worse. Why don't we go back to the days of the Nazis in which the blind and disabled were killed to get rid of them? I am being sarcastic here as I hope you realize but it is true – if things get any worse in this country, that just may happen. When the population is suffering financial hardship, people start to blame the less fortunate and want them gone so that they might get more. Financial bad times are not good for any of us and especially the blind and disabled. This is just about as bad as it was in the "old days" when there were no services for the blind and they were institutionalized. I can't stand to write anymore.
Talk to everybody at the next meeting and I will try to come up with some POSITIVE thoughts about all this, as hard as it is going to be. I did hear from Marla Oughton that she had passed my application for the SILC on to the Governor and it is being reviewed. I should find out by the end of October as to whether or not I was selected as a member of SILC. I don't know if this will help but as least I can keep the needs of the blind and visually impaired in the minds of the legislators when budget cuts are planned. We must be visible and be the squeaky wheel that gets the grease if possible. We also must be a "thorn in their sides".
Holly
From: Carl Jarvis [mailto:carjar82@gmail.com]
Sent: Saturday, September 11, 2010 9:47 PM
To: Karen Johnson; Holly B. Kaczmarski; Alco Canfield; Barbara Crowley; Bill Hoage; Bruce Radtke; Carl Jarvis; john guydish; Shirley Taylor
Subject: Meeting notice and conference numbers
Hi All Fearless Members.
Remember, our next call will be Sunday, September 26 at 8:00 PM. .
1-800-977-8002
Members code: 775 653 66
(moderator's code:
683 849 24)
Today, Saturday, September 11, I called into the SRC quarterly meeting and listened to DSB director Lou Oma Durand's report. From her very grim report I gather that DSB will be reduced to attempting to justify their core programs: VR, ILOB, IL and Child and Family and the OTC. The critical Deaf Blind Service Center which DSB has funded for many years, will be cut from the budget. That news is a heart breaker.
We all need to be planning on how we and our fellow members can best present our programs and services to the legislature.
I suggested today to the gathering at the SRC meeting that we all need to become acquainted with our state legislators and tell them the human stories about the people we know. We will need for the Legislature to have our faces in mind when it comes time to butcher the budget.
Also, we must be sure that we approach these law makers as our friends. They are in just as much of a jam as we are. They are not the ones who made this mess we are in. Too often we tend to lay blame at the most convenient feet. But our Legislature is not responsible for this Great Recession. The state must balance the budget. Some critical services will be chopped. We do not want to find ourselves on the cutting room floor.
Carl Jarvis
Will Americans "wake up and smell the coffee" in time?
Tuesday, September 14, 2010
what ever happened to the family doctor?
Sunday, September 12, 2010
On Vipers, Snakes and Fairy Tales
The "Great Communicator" Ronald Reagan was a fine example. Bill Clinton was actually an even brighter example. And I fear that our "Great Brown Hope" Barak Obama may show himself to be another member.
on raising Babies
How America's Working Class Died on the Disco Dance Floor
How America's Working Class Died on the Disco Dance Floor
By Jefferson Cowie, The New Press
Posted on September 9, 2010, Printed on September 12, 2010
http://www.alternet.org/story/148122/
Editor's Note: An epic account of how working-class America hit the rocks in
the political and economic upheavals of the '70s, Jefferson Cowie's Stayin'
Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class presents the decade
in a new light. Part political intrigue, part labor history, with large
doses of American music, film and TV lore, Cowie's book makes new sense of
the '70s as a crucial and poorly understood transition from the optimism of
New Deal America to the widening economic inequalities and dampened
expectations of the present. From the factory floors of Cleveland,
Pittsburgh and Detroit to the Washington of Nixon, Ford and Carter, Cowie
connects politics to culture, showing how the big screen and the jukebox can
help us understand how America turned away from the radicalism of the '60s
and toward the patriotic promise of Ronald Reagan.
The following is excerpted from Jefferson Cowie's Stayin' Alive: The 1970s
and the Last Days of the Working Class (The New Press, 2010):
In 1975, rock journalist Nik Cohn embarked on an underground tour of the
working-class disco scene in Brooklyn with a black dancer named Tu Sweet.
"Some of those guys," explained Tu Sweet, "they have no lives. Dancing is
all they got." That idea sunk into Cohn, whose British roots gave a class
edge to his understanding of pop music. "I'd always thought of teen style in
terms of class," Cohn reported; "Rock, at least the kind that mattered to
me, attains its greatest power when havenots went on the rampage, taking no
prisoners. 'Dancing's all they got.' It sounded to me like a rallying cry."
His adventures at a club named 2001 Odyssey ended with a stellar piece of
reportage for New York magazine about living to dance and dancing to escape
called "The Tribal Rights of the New Saturday Night." The theme of the piece
was that only a select few were capable of rising above the "vast faceless
blob" of humanity that does most of the nation's working and dying. Only a
select few "faces" knew "how to dress and how to move, how to float, how to
fly. Sharpness, grace, a certain distinction in every gesture." As Vincent,
king of the 2001 Odyssey explained, "The way I feel, it's like we've been
chosen." The New York article became the foundation for the most popular
movie of the decade, Saturday Night Fever (1977).
There was only one problem: Cohn fabricated the entire story -- from the
characters to their performances, from their looks to their dreams. His
editors did not know of his deceit. Concerned that the public might not buy
the veracity of Cohn's tales of the disco underground, the editors went so
far as to include an inset, claiming "everything described in this article
is factual and was either witnessed by me or told to me directly." But
Cohn's journalism was just one more part of the '70s hustle. He did show up
at the club to do his research with Tu Sweet after wandering lost in the
"dead land" of Brooklyn, but when he stepped out of his gypsy cab, there was
a brawl taking place in the parking lot, and then someone spun around and
threw up on his pants. Figuring nothing could be worth such a price, he
immediately headed back to Manhattan. After other failed attempts to
penetrate the scene, he gave up and decided to make up his tale from thin
air and a few fragments that were burned into his mind from his unsuccessful
excursion over the class divide.
One particular image provided the inspiration for the fiction of "Tribal
Rights." Before retreating to his cab, Cohn recalled "a figure in flared
crimson pants and a black body shirt standing in the back doorway, directly
under the neon light, and calmly watching the action. There was a certain
style about him -- an inner force, a hunger and a sense of his own
specialness. He looked, in short, like a star." This random encounter with
'70s street-cool would be transformed into the quintessential icon of the
decade, Saturday Night Fever's Tony Manero (Vincent in the article).
Although Cohn later failed in his efforts to transfer his myth-making into a
screenplay (Norman Wexler, who had done two other '70s blue-collar scripts,
Joe and Serpico, had to be brought in to do the job), his brief moment in a
Brooklyn parking lot was the spark that made pop culture history.
Tony Manero, as played by John Travolta in the screen adaptation of Cohn's
story, became not simply the definitive '70s icon but also one of the most
revealing and popular working-class heroes of the decade. Two critics
described the white-suited disco king as a "high-powered fusion of
sexuality, street jive, and the frustrated hope of a boy-man who can't
articulate his sense of oppression." The film, they suggest, gives "the
impression that it knows more about the working class psyche and ethos than
it is willing to risk showing us." The classic cinematic theme of
imprisonment or escape is pitch perfect, and the disco setting makes it
emblematic of the seventies. The urgency and desperation of its themes make
the movie more than a dance flick: Saturday Night Fever is both symptom and
exploration of the most important breaking points in the nation's white,
male, working-class identity.
The film begins with one of the great opening scenes in American cinema,
featuring Travolta strutting confidently through Bay Ridge to the beat of
the Bee Gees' "Stayin' Alive." He then works the customers at a hardware
store with the same grace and ego that he later reveals on the dance floor
of the renamed Club 2001. All of his spark and charm contrast markedly with
the world of fixed values and social limits that constantly contain his
expressive individuality. His slick salesmanship and confidence are
interrupted only by the horrific realization that he could be stuck peddling
paint for the rest of his life like his broken-down coworkers. Begging his
boss for an advance so he can buy a new shirt for his true passion, the
weekend festivities in the disco, Tony gets a lecture from his boss about
not frittering away his money. "Fuck the future!" Tony angrily retorts. The
boss fires back that no, "The future fucks you." It was a refrain heard
often in the shrinking '70s, not the least significant of which was the
chorus of the Sex Pistols' riot anthem of the same year, "God Save the
Queen:" "No future, no future, no future for you."
The workplace is only a minor set in Fever's blue-collar teen drama, as the
plot centers on Tony's attempt to conquer the discotheque, win over an
upwardly mobile dancer, Stephanie (Karen Lynn Gorney), deal with his gang of
futureless buddies, and, most importantly, find some sense of himself.
Stephanie, the object of his affections, continually rebuffs him,
explaining, "You're a cliche. You're nowhere on your way to no place."
Tony's attempt at impromptu self-improvement quickens as he tries to fake
his way through a conversation with someone who is, herself, trying to fake
her way rather sadly across the river to upwardly mobile Manhattan. Before
heading to the disco, Tony carefully prepares his look surrounded by posters
of Bruce Lee, Farrah Fawcett-Majors and Sylvester Stallone, inserting
himself into the galaxy of stars by imagining himself as the Pacino of Bay
Ridge. As Cohn originally wrote, "Whenever he gazed into the mirror, it was
always Pacino who gazed back. A killer, and a star." Th e twinkling allure
of fame is his hope. He and his friends, explained one critic, stuck with
unemployed fathers, an economy in the dump, and a vacuum in national
leadership, "are part of the post-Watergate working-class generation with no
heroes except in TV-showbiz land; they have a historical span of
twenty-three weeks, with repeats at Christmas."
Once Tony is finished preening (looking "as sharp as I can look without
turning into a nigger"), the true action of the film happens on the dance
floor. He bursts with the creativity and sense of self that he cannot find
anywhere else in his life. Bathed in the immediacy of the backlit floor,
Tony gets the attention and adulation missing in both his job and his home
life as the crowd parts in celebration of his prowess. "The bodies, the
drugs, the heat, the sense of nowness," explained one writer on the disco
experience, "a sense that nothing existed outside of that room. No past, no
future, no promises, no regrets, just right now and those strings from
'Love's Theme' cascading all over you and prickling your skin." Tony is no
longer pretending to be Pacino; the working-class hero has become king.
The film turns as Tony's claustrophobia begins to build as the walls of
ethnic and sexual violence close in on him. Enraged when the first-place
trophy in the dance contest is given to him (like the judges, a fellow
Italian) rather than the obviously better Puerto Rican couple, he turns over
the trophy to the reviled ethnic newcomers and storms out of the club. With
this act of betrayal -- choosing merit over ethnic loyalty -- he has begun a
path toward individualism, mobility and independence, an escape from his
shrinking and intolerant working-class world toward an expansive, even
open-minded, new life. As he storms out of the dance contest, Tony harangues
his partner Stephanie with a furious, primitive, Marxist sociology that
explains gender, race and class in a few easy pieces: "My Pa goes to work,
he gets dumped on. So he come home and dumps on my mother, right? Of course,
right. And the spics gotta dump on us, so we gotta dump on the spics, right?
Even the humpin' is dumpin' most of the time."
Tony proceeds to prove his point about oppression rolling downhill, when, in
a rage of frustration, he attempts to rape Stephanie. By the time an insane
night of gang-banging and suicidal behavior is over, the drama concludes
with a tightly wrapped, if largely improbable, plot resolution. Unable to
contend with either dwindling economic opportunity or the dead-end racial,
ethnic and gender hatreds around him, Tony chooses to sever all ties to his
working-class community and create himself anew. "They're all assholes," he
declares as he escapes the limits of Brooklyn after riding the subway all
night, emerging in Manhattan in the early morning light.
When Tony resurfaces from his subterranean ride, bruised and battered from
his inter-ethnic street warfare, he is all but reborn with a new day dawning
in the upper-class world of Manhattan. Stephanie's apartment (borrowed from
an older boss whom she seems to be sleeping with in the exchange) is a place
where a Matisse print hangs on the wall, and jazz is in the air. The nation
as a whole was asked to make a similar journey by the dawn of the 1980s, and
like Tony and his new friend Stephanie, they had to fake it. The characters
are sitting in a borrowed apartment -- literally inhabiting somebody else's
world. In this new place, their identity as members of a class -- such a
salient aspect of their lives just an endless train ride ago -- is on its
sweat, the sunrises, and the throb of the music all conspired to create a
heated way to being denied or covered up. Their old blue-collar community is
relegated to some forgotten past to which neither they nor the viewer will
return.
Tony and Stephanie are in the midst of a fantasy that they can remake
themselves by changing their surroundings and abandoning their past. Even
the violence of their sexual encounter melts into a new platonic
relationship. Class is neither community nor culture nor occupation nor
power but a mere affect that the select few, the chosen ones, can drop. A
Matisse print, a borrowed apartment, and the ability to do the hustle are
all that is needed.
The theme of relegating class to some distant geographic or temporal past is
driven home by the Bee Gees' disco anthem "Stayin' Alive" from the film's
immensely successful soundtrack. The song thumps through the opening scene
of Tony strutting down the street, seemingly in control of his tiny world.
"Music loud and women warm / I've been kicked around / Since I was born,"
they declare in their famous helium falsetto. "Life goin' nowhere. Somebody
help me," they plea in the lower ranges with just a splash of social-realist
pain.
But then comes the twist; rather than a call to act, the Bee Gees, like the
film itself, offer permission to forget: "And now it's all right. It's OK.
And you may look the other way" as Tony, Stephanie, and the audience turn
their back on the unseemly race-class stew of Brooklyn, pointing their faces
toward a future purged of the working class. Not to worry, this is a pain I
can carry myself, the narrator of "Stayin' Alive" mutters beneath the pulse
and the chorus. The megahit of 1977 allowed the nation to begin to move
toward the 1980s celebration of working-class heroes who managed to get out,
while casting those who could not into cinematic (and political) darkness.
Just as the song offered permission to cover up, to deny, and to forget --
and then rolled it all up in polyester and cast it under swirling lights --
so the discotheques themselves inhabited the former physical settings of the
old industrial working class by inhabiting the buildings of a once mighty
occupational past. "Despite its veneer of elegance and sophistication, disco
was born, maggot-like, from the rotten remains of the Big Apple," explains
the genre's otherwise sympathetic historian Peter Shapiro. As New York's
manufacturing base evaporated into empty factories and bolted ware houses of
New York City, discotheques moved into those abandoned locations,
"recolonizing the dead industrial space, replacing the production of goods
with the production of illusions. The economy was in tatters and people
wanted to do what they did during the Great Depression -- dance."
The Depression analogy, alive through much of '70s pop, obfuscates important
differences in the meaning of dance, cinema and politics in the '30s and the
stagflation era. Like so many of the constant echoes and reverberations of
the '30s and '40s in '70s popular culture, Tony's love affair with the
Verrazano Narrows bridge, the frequency of trains in the film, the grit and
violence, and the urban skyline that precedes Tony's famous Bay Ridge strut
are suggestive of the social-realist motifs and iconography of a previous
generation. In many ways, however, Fever's runaway individualism is the
opposite of the notorious dance marathon contests of the '30s, as depicted
most famously in Horace McCoy's novel They Shoot Horses Don't They? (1935).
McCoy explored the collective dehumanization and degradation of the
unemployed who dance for days and weeks for the entertainment of others -- a
far cry from dancing as a showcase for individual stardom. Like the ever
down-and-out but suave Fred Astaire, perhaps Tony's best Depression-era
analogue, the '30s dancer, served a different function.
Astaire possessed a tuxedoed panache with a huckster's edge -- always
demonstrating control of his social environment like Tony. Unlike Tony
Manero, Astaire's characters were not "cliches going nowhere" but guides for
common people to the world of the affluent. "One function of the
song-and-dance man in the 1930s films," explains Joel Dinerstein, "was to
resolve and mediate class differences in his role as well-dressed
entertainer." As much as Astaire's performances served to keep society
together, Manero functions as the opposite. He is neither a go-between nor a
class interpreter; he is an escape artist.
As much as curmudgeonly Archie Bunker was the definitive character of the
first half of the '70s, doomed to be on the losing side of history, Tony
Manero served that role for the second half by battling his way toward the
winning side of history. He showed that, for the able, "working-class" may
be something that could simply be rejected like any other style choice in
the world of self-constructed identities, and that the cost was merely
severing all connections to the past. And not only could it be rejected but,
if possible, it should. "These are not nice people for the most part,"
admitted a perceptive film critic about the characters of Bay Ridge, "but
they are alive and striving -- it is a mistake to ignore them or, maybe
worse, pretend that their lives have no meaning."
As Tom Wolfe proclaimed, the decade belonged to those who did pretend, those
willing to ignore, and those who found meaning in "remaking, remodeling,
elevating and polishing one's very self." For those with the resources or
the talents, the malleability of the '70s self might have been liberating.
For others, however, the Maneroesque fantasy was simply mean. And, we might
recall, a deception from the very start.
Copyright C 2010 by Jefferson Cowie. This excerpt originally appeared in
Stayin' Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class, published
by The New Press. Reprinted here with permission.
Jefferson Cowie is an associate professor of history at Cornell University.
He is the author of Stayin' Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the
Working Class, and 'Capital Moves: RCA's Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor'
(The New Press), which received the Philip Taft Prize for the Best Book in
Labor History for 2000.
C 2010 The New Press All rights reserved.
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